Germany needs radical thinking — without the chainsaw

When the new federal government takes office in a few weeks, it will face enormous challenges. The liberal world order is crumbling, Putin is still waging war in Europe, Trump is making the US increasingly unpredictable, far-right parties are stronger than ever, and the economy is becoming less and less dynamic. Peace, freedom and democracy are at risk.

The future Chancellor Friedrich Merz and his government can counter these threats, but only if they act quickly and decisively. What’s needed isn’t chainsaw-style politics like in the US or Argentina, but rather a kind of system update. In other words: it doesn’t take much to change things, but it does take the radical willingness to do so.

“German Angst” is paralysing

Germany’s problem isn’t its hardware. The constitution, electoral system and separation of powers are all stable. The problem lies in the software: outdated ways of thinking and a loss of patience for consensus-building. Our administration is overwhelmed and insufficiently digital. The deeply rooted phenomenon of 'German Angst', a national tendency toward excessive worry and risk aversion, fosters a paralysing culture of over-regulation and slows down democratic decision-making.

The incoming government has now reached a historic agreement to relax the debt brake, enabling much-needed investments in infrastructure, sustainability, security, and defence capabilities.

But anyone who believes that money will solve the problem underestimates the threats that Germany faces. The challenges are broader and deeper. They are megatrends that will intensify dramatically without clear political direction: climate change, migration, demographic shifts and artificial intelligence. These inevitable changes are fuelling a sense of uncertainty for many and exacerbating existing inequalities.

If Germany fails to find an effective response to these developments, they could fundamentally tear the fabric of society. What must happen now to prevent that?

Courage and a willingness to take risks

First and foremost, there must be a willingness to think more radically. Future Chancellor Friedrich Merz, SPD chairwoman Saskia Esken and their colleagues  must step out of “safe mode”: less hesitation, more courage; less stubbornness, more innovation.

Why not expand the EU’s values-based alliance to include Canada instead of Turkey? Canada shares the EU’s commitment to the rule of law and liberal society, unlike Turkey, which is becoming increasingly authoritarian.

“Why not open political institutions to a broader range of applicants? It’s no secret that politics is still mostly shaped by academics and career politicians.”

Instead of being bogged down in tough negotiations with President Erdoğan, the EU could form a real alliance for promoting democracy with Canada through joint projects and initiatives with impact on both sides of the Atlantic. How about a transatlantic “Democracy Fund” to support community projects or connect engaged young people through digital exchange forums? Why not forge new alliances before the old ones collapse entirely?

Why not open political institutions to a broader range of applicants? It’s no secret that politics is still mostly shaped by academics and career politicians.

It would be better to bring people from other backgrounds into politics through targeted support programmes: scientists, tradespeople, bus drivers – people who know from experience where the problems lie in Germany and who bring their own ideas for solutions.

Democracy is the most flexible and adaptable political system there is, but only if it is maintained and continuously developed. No other form of government gives citizens so much say and offers so many opportunities to actively shape change. We need citizens' forums, digital participation platforms, and real spaces for discourse. Not just staged talk show debates.

It’s not enough to chat to a handful of members of the public, as the Green Party leader Robert Habeck did during the last election campaign. That kind of occasional presence has little chance of success. Ironically, the AfD is showing that long-term and widespread engagement is more effective: wherever pubs are closing, football clubs can’t find coaches, and youth centres are empty, that’s exactly where politicians need to be.

Anti-virus software for democracy

A strong civil society can also act as an anti-virus programme for democracy. Poland has shown this: persistent resistance against the right-wing PiS party enabled a democratic turnaround. Tens of thousands of people took to the streets in the “Black Protests” against the abortion ban and organised nationwide demonstrations against the controversial judicial reforms.

Organisations like KOD (Committee for the Defence of Democracy) and independent media exposed legal violations. Thousands of voluntary election observers prevented manipulation during the 2023 parliamentary elections. Only through this broad mobilisation and courageous civic engagement did the opposition win the election. The authoritarian course was halted, and the path cleared for an EU-friendly democracy.

The moral of the story? That  democracy doesn’t just fail because parliaments do, but because people stop getting involved. Democracy is not an out of the box product. It’s like an open-source platform: it thrives when people join the conversation and co-create. Democracy lives from participation; otherwise far-right forces will step in to abolish it.

Launch a “Politics Hackathon”

A successful update ultimately depends on compatibility. It takes teamwork, not patchwork. Updates fail when everyone writes their own code. Instead of blocking each other for years in gridlocked coalitions, parties could hold issue-based “Politics Hackathons”. Over 48 hours, representatives from all parties could work with experts and citizens to find concrete solutions on climate protection, digitalisation, or other pressing issues. The best proposals could go straight to a parliamentary vote.

It’s not about partisan victories or pushing through individual agendas. It’s about making the system stable and innovative enough to meet the grand challenges  of our time.

This article originally appeared as an op-ed in der Spiegel in German which you can read here.